ANTI-WAR MOVEMENT
Part 2
by Sherman H. Skolnick
Preface 3/19/4:
This is part two of the posting of our original report, 1972, about the Anti-Viet Nam War supposed activists. They were selected, installed, and financed, on behalf of the Aristocracy, through their American CIA, as the supposed "leade rs" of what was called then the "Peace Movement".
These government-paid and protected agents provocateurs were the main focus of the oil-soaked, spy-riddled monopoly press. The purpose? To keep other real peaceniks from being heard and seen. And further, to censor and side-track any and all data as to the war-mongers and war-profiteers among the Federal Banker-Judges, paid stooges in Congress, and the White House.
The American CIA instigated the riots in August, 1968, at the Democrat Party Convention in Chicago, discrediting the Democrat candidate for President. Some of the rioters were dupes and the Chicago Police were not informed about what really they were facing and why. The bottom line? Richard M. Nixon, Fascist-inclined on behalf of the Establishment, was installed in the White House. When the "powers that be" were finished using Nixon as a stooge and scapegoat, they put the ir CIA-funded fakers to lead a nationwide campaign to remove him, 1973-1974 after he was re-elected in a purported land-slide election 1972, with the Watergate Affair on purpose not widely discussed PRIOR to the re-election. That was through the R oger Baldwin Foundation, as we mentioned in Part One, that took over, in 1967, the defunct American Civil Liberties Union, and continues even now to use the term "ACLU", as if, as an entity, they still existed.
Included are items in parentheses and brackets, all verbatim as in our original report. Some updates included at the end of this posting. "The Committee" referred to is the Citizen's Committee to Clean Up the Courts, Founder/Chairman, since 1963, Sherman H. Skolnick.
The purpose is for those who wish to study an example of an Anti-War Movement created by the Establishment. And then compare it, if possible, to any Anti-Iraq War Movement that may be led by fakers installed, directed, and funded by th e Aristocracy, by way of again winding down a bloody, disastrous, blundering war policy that if not terminated, could unravel the dirty business of the Ultra-Rich and how they create and instigate Wars and Depressions to further enrich themselves.
In sum, the mass media lied then. They are lying now. Do not foolishly demand that WE forward copies of this series to the liars and whores of the press. If you are so inclined, YOU do that.
" CHICAGO 7" ARE THEY FOR REAL?
Just prior to the Democrat Convention Week, Don Rose planted a story in the Chicago Tribune, calculated to attribute any possible Convention Week disorders to "communists" or other alleged "subversives". Rose, as an alleged "radical", attended a pre-convention, insiders only, meeting at the Moraine Hotel, in Highland Park, Illinois. (By a complicated series of events, that hotel had become a federally-owned property.) The secret minutes of what purportedly took place there, August 4, 1968, was written about by the Chicago Tribune's "Red Squad" (Chicago Police Subversives Unit) reporter, Ronald Koziol. In a front page story, 9/5/68, head-lined "Bare Secret Riot Planning". The so-called "secret minutes" were planted by Don Ros e with Ron Koziol, for the purpose of discrediting dissent and the peace movement, by describing them as "communist" dominated.
Rose often offers his help, for free, to civil rights type groups that appear to be going too anti-establishment. He thus neutralized a bus strike by controlling the publicity in the summer of 1968, of the Concerned Transit Workers. Mo re recently, Rose attempted to take over the publicity of a chicano group on the Far South Side of Chicago.
Rose was and is able to control the public image of Rennie Davis and others of the "7" as purported "radical revolutionaries" by way of Rose's father-in-law, Jesse Bogue, an executive with the worldwide wire service, United Press Inter national. Bogue attempted to stop the circulation of the story about the head of NCCIJ being with the C.I.A. Bogue succeeded in keeping it a local rather than network story.
Among the functions of Rennie Davis as a counter-insurgent, under deep "cover", is to help compile data on U.S. Prisoners of War in North Viet Nam. With the help of an instant court order by Federal Circuit Judge Otto Kerner, Jr., Rennie went to North Viet Nam, in July, 1969, to bring bac k P.O.W. Navy Lt. Robert F. Frishman. Frishman began a tour of the U.S., lecturing on how brutal and inhumane he was treated as a P.O.W., directly contrary to the position of the peace movement.
"Frishman was taken on tour by the Navy, making highly publicized visits to six cities in five days to tell his story to the wives and families of captured and missing pilots. He gave many television and newspaper interviews and publis hed an account of his experiences in the Readers Digest in December, 1969. No other returned prisoners had been given such freedom to speak out. "There is evidence in the public record that Frishman seriously distorted and misrepresented the prison conditions inside North Viet Nam." Quoting a free lance reporter, knowledgeable in such matters, "When the Frishman debriefing papers came across his desk, he recalled 'I smelled a ringer right off. It just didn't jibe with everything else I had seen'....Frishman was te lling a song and dance story.' " Chicago Sun-Times, The PW Story, by Seymour M. Hersh, 2/14/71, page 5 and 42, Home Edition. " 'There was an absolutely valid case that somebody had to make', against both the North Vietnamese, one State Department oficial said....'Frishman truly was a godsend.' " Same story, page 42 (Emphasis added.)
Court documents regarding Rennie's trip to North Viet Nam state or imply that he was there on business for the "State Department". (Emergency Motion, by defendant Rennie Davis, No. 69 CR 180, U.S. District Court, N.D., Ill., E.D.)
4. Stuart Ball, Sr., and his son, Stuart Scoble Ball, Jr. (who dressed himself to look with his hair and beard like Rasputin), together with Don Rose, called the shots for the "7" trial. Investigators for the Committee disc overed the Stuart Ball's (Jr. and Sr.) command center, conveying messages and orders to others who carried them to the alleged principal "7" lawyers, William Kunstler and Leonard Weinglass. Rose's messenger, on the other hand, came and went from J udge Hoffman's courtroom about every 30 to 45 minutes during the trial, carrying messages to Kunstler, Weinglass, and Rennie, and others.
The uncle of Ball, Jr., is George W. Ball, high C.I.A. official, who came out in the Pentagon Papers smelling sweet while putting down the military [for 25 years there has been bitter rivalry between the C..I.A. and the military]. ; Ball, Sr., is a partner inn the law firm of Sidley & Austin, Chicago, suspected of being a C.I.A. conduit. Several of the partners are with the C.I.A. including Matthew J. iverson. [See: Hard Times Newspaper, Sept. 22-29, 1969, No. 45, p.1]. A former partner in the firm is Walter J. Cummings, Jr., now a judge in the U.S. Court of Appeals in Chicago. Cummings is also a substantial stockholder in the war-&-church interlocked Continental I ll. Nat'l Bank & Trust Co. of Chicago. The "7" appeal is pending before Judge Cummings and two other appeals judges.
Sidley & Austin are also the attorneys for Illinois Bell Telephone Co. Complaints by phone patrons about wire-tapping are referred to Stuart Ball Sr.'s law firm. Several of the partners in Sidley & Austin. including Tully Fried man, are financially interlocked and/or in other ways participants, with Chicago-based Adlai Stevenson Institute, a foreign affairs "think tank", operated by State Department and C.I.A. officials. Among the Stevenson Institute directors have been George W. Ball, James Hoge, Jr.(more on him later), Sol M. Linowitz, and Paul G. Hoffman. Linowitz, an official with the Organization of American States, and former head man at Xerox Corp., is a counter-insurgent expert with the State Department.
The policy making group in the C.I.A. is called the "Special Group" created in the Eisenhower years under the secret order 54/12. Among the members of the "Special Group" is George W. Ball. (See: "The Invisible Government", by David Wi se and Thomas B. Ross, paperback ed., pp.278-279, 313.)
Another Stevenson Institute director , Paul G. Hoffman, has a long history of links with the C.I.A. He is also director of Fund for the Republic, Inc., interlocked financially and by overlapping personnel with the Albert Parvin F oundation and the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions, both of the latter fronts and recipients of funds of the C.I.A. The latter two are also interlocked with Inter-American Center of Economic and Social Studies, known as C.I.D.E.S., a C.I.A.operation in Latin America. [See: New York Times Index, 1967 to date .]
5. Command centers. Ostensibly, the "7" had their office during and prior to Convention Week, in Chicago's Old Colony Building, 408 So. Plymouth Court, one block from the Federal Building. Some of the actual command center s were as follows: (a) in the office of the alleged director of Labor Education, Frank W. McCallister (now deceased), of Roosevelt University, downtown Chicago. McCallister, while allegedly director of Labor Education, carried out various counter-insurge ncy functions of the U.S. State Department in three African countries: Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and the Congo, and in the South American country, Guyana, (formerly British Guiana), scene of violent counter-insurgency activities designed to put down local rule, and in various places in Europe and Asia.
(b) In the Chicago office of the Roger Baldwin Foundation, 6 So. Clark St.
6. Efforts to control the assignment of trial judge. Originally, the "7" trial was to be heard by then Chief Judge of the U.S. District Court, William J. Campbell, who was vulnerable to public challenge because of hi s links to the C.I.A. and the crime syndicate. Campbell has been a director of the Albert Parvin Foundation, a counter-insurgency operation for training African students, originally sent by West Coast hoodlums to give a tax shelter to their money. See u ndisputed documentation in case #17181, U.S. Court of Appeals, 7th Circuit, Additional Appendix, pp.109-120. The Parvin Foundation is a pass-through for C.I.A. funds. See: New York Times Index, "U.S. Intelligence Agency", 1967, to date.
Until recently, the president of the Albert Parvin Foundation has been Associate Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, William O. Douglas. During attempts to impeach Douglas, his links to the C.I.A. and the Parvin Foundation became part o f the government record.
See: Final Report by the Special Subcommittee on House Res. 920, of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, 91st Congress, 2nd Session, Sept. 17, 1970, pp. 18-21.
Shortly after Rennie Davis and the others were indicted on Riot Conspiracy charges, March, 1969, one evening Rennie sought to pick the brains of the staff of the Committee, in respect to Judge Campbell. Naively, the researchers presume d Rennie was going to confront Campbell in court with the data. The next morning, barely 12 hours later, Campbell, on his own motion, mysteriously disqualified himself from the "7" case, without Rennie filing any paper on this. The case was then s teered onto the docket of District Judge Julius J. Hoffman.
In case of an adverse trial ruling before Judge Hoffman, Rennie and the others were prepared to destroy, or seek to destroy, the public image of Judge Hoffman, and thereby seek to overturn a guilty verdict. Judge Hoffman is noted for h elping gangsters go free by committing what is known in law as "reversible error", conduct and rulings by him contrary to accepted law and procedure, thus almost automatically invalidating his verdict on appeal.
Updates, 3/19/2004:
"Chicago 7" trial attorney William Kunstler had been with the predecessor agency to CIA, namely OSS. During the "7" trial he used to eat lunch with Chicago U.S. District Judge Hubert L. Will who had been C.I.A.'s head of Counter-Intell igence in Europe. Kunstler ran away every time Skolnick or any of Skolnick's associates sought to question the lawyer about his activities with the C.I.A. in the 1950s and 1960s. Kunstler was an expert on creating apparent fake scenarios with his expert ise at writing radio scripts.
In should be noted, we also naively permitted Rennie and his gang, to pick our brains about what we knew about Judge Hoffman. We presumed Rennie wanted to use it to disqualify Judge Hoffman. It never got into the court record. We had i nformed Rennie and his underlings that Hoffman had previously been a top official of the Brunswick Company, manufacturer of bowling ball machines and he was tight with known hoodlums who established the firm and then currently, the Judge was a major sto ckholder of Brunswick which at the time the Judge got Rennie's case, the firm was a major war weapons producer. A real peace movement leader, not one selected, installed, and funded by the American C.I.A., would have been glad to publicize known wa r industry details about Judge Hoffman and his firm, Brunswick.
Failure to speak out against war mongers and war profiteers is typical of fake so-called Anti-War "leaders" who just fail to ever speak out about specific persons, companies, and pertinent events.This is a lesson obviously to be studie d and applied to any of the current Anti-Iraq War activists.
In the 1970s, our work led to the jailing, for bribery, of Federal Appeals Judge Otto Kerner, Jr. He was the highest level sitting federal Judge to be so sent to prison in the history of the U.S.
More parts coming. Stay tuned.
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